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What to talk about
Ambanies, Mittals and Anil Agarwals, even top industrialist Ratan Tata,
hitherto much praised for his ‘clean and honest’ dealings, has been
exposed for taking the help of lobbyist Neera Radia to bend the spectrum
allotment in his favour. Thus Radia episode makes it quite clear that
the real power centre in democracy under capitalist system exists
outside the formal and legal structures of the State, while the elected
organs are rendered more and more powerless and corrupted by the money,
with each passing day. A kind of feeling is setting in that we are
moving from ‘Democracy’ to ‘Kleptocracy’ i.e. a system of non-governance
characterized by injustice, rampant greed and corruption.
Kleptocracy is a
Greek-derived term. It means “rule by thieves”. It is used for an
establishment that takes the advantage of the rampant corruption in
government echelons to increase the personal wealth and political power
of the government officials and the ruling class through the
embezzlement of government funds at the expense of the wider populace,
sometimes without even the pretence of honest service. Once democracy
yields to kleptocracy, good governance is given a silent burial. The
vacuum thus created is filled by a vicious nexus among politicians,
bureaucrats and the corporate who companioning together change the laws
of the land to serve their respective interests.
Over a course of time,
the corporate interests take over the other interests and corporate
start dictating terms to the politicians and the bureaucrats. For this
they take recourse to greasing their palm or taking the help of
lobbyists who, acting on behalf of corporates, influence the policy
decisions of the governments, even trying to influence the appointment
of ministers to the ministries which are of particular interests to
them. Revelations by Neera Radia tapes are clear pointers to this
direction. Similarly in the case of Korean giant corporate POSCO, the
somersault done by Environment and Forest Minister Jairam Ramesh is a
testimony to how influential these multinational corporate have become.
As they try to enter the vast untapped Indian market to woo more than a
billion customers, they need to extricate tax breaks and contracts in
their favour from Indian babudom. Some companies get these by corrupt
means, covering their tracks by middlemen, as some foreign managers
acknowledge in private. But a number of companies are turning to
lobbyists who use subtler tools of influence, partly out of fear of
anti-bribery laws in their respective countries which threaten jail term
even for chief executives if they let workers pay bribes overseas.
This trend of lobbying
has started showing in India too as the business groups are beginning to
wield a disproportionate influence on the policy environment as compared
to civil society organizations lobbying for public good. The fact is
that globally the corporations bankroll the electoral process and also
spend large sums in lobbying governments to defend their markets and
further their interests. According to a UK-based consultancy named
SustainAbility, over 3 billion dollars were spent in lobbying in the US
in 2004 while 90 million Euros were spent in the EU in the same year.
Matt Miller, a senior fellow at the Centre for American Progress, points
out that big business in US wield immense clout in US public policy
making through lobbying. He gives the example of Lockheed Martin who
spent 55 million dollars in the early years of 2010 during which period
it bagged defence contracts worth 90 billion dollars for a ROPI (Return
on Political Investments) of 163,00%. Similarly Boeing spent 57 million
dollars for contracts over 81 billion dollars resulting in a ROPI of
142,000%. Miller is of the view that it is impossible to conclude a deal
without a “political sales-force” backing the deal.
But in US, a degree of
openness is ensured by the Lobbying Act which compels corporations to
reveal their perambulation around the Senate, Congress, Pentagon and
other public institutions.
On the contrary, there
is no mechanism in India to bring accountability to lobbying and
publicly reveal the lobbying positions of companies and the money spent
on it. The secretive deals on spectrum allocation in the telecom sector
are fine example of lobbying without any pretence to accountability. The
power, mining, airline, oil and gas sectors have also been hotbeds of
intense lobbying in India. What is startling is that when the government
takes any move on corporate responsibility norms it is taken as
restrictive and anti-liberalisation by the Indian industry which often
proposes self-regulation in lieu of legislation. But it doesn’t happen.
What is really happening
is that these multinational as well as national companies are making
their lobbying arms stronger by recruiting retired Indian bureaucrats to
do the dirty job by making them use their connections and relations with
former junior colleagues to clinch the issue. Thus ex-bureaucrats are
now playing a major role for their corporate bosses in crucial
infrastructure sectors like telecom, power, roads and ports where
large-scale deregulation has taken place. Now with areas such as
banking, insurance and coal mining opening up, the flow of former
bureaucrats will certainly increase.
Already this has started
taking place. Naren Joshi, managing director of General Insurance
Corporation left the organization to join multinational ING Insurance.
Steel baron Laxmi Mittal has managed to woo and hire many top ranking
employees from SAIL for ISPAT’s commercial marketing operations. Among
them are MRR Nair, former SAIL chairman, and its executive director Mr.
Malai Mukherjee. In 2007, it was reported that a lady IAS officer,
retiring from Ministry of Defence, joined Tata Industries when the Tatas,
among others, were being considered for being declared as a Raksha
Utpadan Ratna. Similarly a retiring finance secretary was picked up by
Hyundai India for a whopping salary of Rs. 1.37 crore. Few years back
Gopi Arora, the principal secretary to late Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi
had joined ANZ Grindlays after retirement. Way back in 1998, several
former IAS officers opened up ‘polyclinics’ to sell their services. One
such association was named ‘Management & Economic Advisers’ in Delhi. It
comprised of Suresh Mathur – former industry secretary, R Vasudevan –
former power secretary, and Sanjeev Sunder – former surface transport
secretary. Mathur’s portfolio included telecom giant AT&T and General
Electric, while Sunder became consultant for Bharat Forge. Everybody
remembers the controversy surrounding former I&B secretary Rathikanta
Basu who joined media tycoon Rupert Murdoch’s Star TV as CEO even before
his two years were over.
The lure to succumbing
to the hefty pay packets in exchange of providing PR services has become
so intense that the bureaucrats no longer have patience to follow the
mandatory cooling-off period from the date of retirement. Information
gathered through RTI has revealed that since 2001, one hundred
bureaucrats have sought permission to join private sector jobs. Take the
case of Naresh Dayal, who held the post of secretary, Union Ministry of
Health and Family Welfare and retired on September 30, 2009. Soon after,
he filed an application for permission to join GlaxoSmithKline Consumer
Health-care as a non-official director. He got permission on May 21,
2010. While some officers join private sector after retirement, others
choose to join after taking voluntary retirement.
Actually to survive and
thrive in the competitive corporate battlefield, tycoons have only two
options-either to bribe the politicians and the serving bureaucrats or
to employ the retired bureaucrats who can, in turn, tackle the political
class and serving bureaucrats. It is the latter which is gaining
popularity.
(Author can be contacted at
panditpant@gmail.com) |