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Secondly, would a sharp
political mind like Pyari Mohan, whose prediction of seats in 2009 and
victory vote margin of Umerkote Bye election were clinically accurate,
have taken the biggest gamble of his life and not played his cards well?
I think we are in danger of being dryly simplistic if we can afford to
wish away this political manoeuvre as a feeble attempt of an aging man.
First, let’s analyse the role of
Naveen Patnaik at this juncture and the choices he has. He cut short his UK trip
and deplored Pyari Mohan’s political stunts while in London and would have
landed at Bhubaneswar by the time you are reading this article. If Naveen as the
BJD supremo decides to throw out Pyari Mohan from the party citing anti-party
activities, there is no one stopping him. He might also push for Pyari’s
disqualification from the Rajya Sabha followed by systematic vigilance and
disproportionate assets cases against Pyari with a prolonged witch-hunt. This
seems rather logical, realistic and reasonable keeping in mind Indian
politics. But by doing this Naveen would have turned Pyari into a martyr and
marred his squeaky clean and compassionate demeanour before the public, with
less than two years left to the Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha elections. He has
another choice.
Naveen could keep Pyari
on a tight leash and instead sack the four ministers who attended the
late night meeting at Pyari Mohan’s residence on Tuesday night and
demand apologies from the MLAs who attended the same meeting and then
suspending a few prominent ones to drive home the message. This would
ensure that Pyari would lose his flock in fear and Naveen would have
driven home an advantage while ensuring that Pyari continued to look
like the ‘fall guy.”
The third option Naveen has is to take disciplinary
action against Pyari and all his gang of good men and a lady as in the
case of minister Anjali Behera. He could bring to good use the state
intelligence and vigilance network and probably exhume any incriminating
files on the spotted flock and push them on their knees till 2014.
The fourth option is to keep quiet, take no action,
keep the entire crowd comprising of loyalists and detractors guessing
and probably call for an early election. The fifth option is to reach a
compromise with Pyari Mohan and give him leverage within the party till
such time that Naveen is in a position to “fix” Pyari’s political career
with some backroom play.
The only problem weighing on Naveen’s mind would be
regarding the real support base of Pyari Mohan. He might be ruminating -
'were all the loyalists of Pyari Mohan with him that evening'? Or, were
some of them attending the loyalists’ meeting in Naveen Niwas that
evening at the behest of Pyari Mohan? The initial rumour of 60 MLAs
being with Pyari is fake or genuine? This would also be bothering him.
Pyari had distributed about 90% tickets in the last state elections. It
is entirely possible that many MLAs might be still be owing their
allegiance silently towards Pyari while openly berating him in full view
of the cameras, later only to dump Naveen before the Odisha Governor.
If Naveen considers the first, second and third
options mentioned earlier, then he runs the risk of playing into the
hands of Pyari. Creating such a huge media glare is unlike Pyari Mohan’s
style of functioning. The proverbial invisible Chanakya would not have
played such a high stakes hand by displaying his cards in the view of
the state’s press and media. It was not by mistake but by design that
the media hype was created by Pyari Mohan. Even a tenth grade student
would have second guessed that such a political move would lead to
stringent and immediate disciplinary action. Is it that Pyari Mohan is
waiting for Naveen to pick up one of these options and thereby give the
license to Pyari to split the party? No one knows for sure but again the
missing chunk of Pyari loyalists attending meetings in Naveen Niwas
without being singled out till now would rankle in the mind of Naveen.
The fourth option of an early election is out of
question since Naveen would not be sure of the extent of organizational
base which Pyari might have accrued towards himself during the past few
months, post the Panchayat elections. The fifth option is also quite
possible but would surely send out a signal to other silent detractors
that Naveen is weak and the time to extract their pound of flesh is near
and therefore lead to the emergence of a half-a-dozen wannabe Pyari
Mohans. The so called loyalists of Naveen today were prohibited a few
months back from entering Naveen Niwas, prominent among them Damodar
Rout. Therefore to depend on those loyalists would be walking on thin
ice.
Should Naveen be at
all worried about Pyari Mohan’s serious stake to form the government in
Odisha. Yes. He should be. Firstly as per the Anti-Defection law of
India, while merger of a political party with another requires 2/3rd
MLAs, a simple split requires only 1/3rd MLAs. The case in
point is Jagan Mohan Reddy who has been striving for the 1/3rd
status in Andhra Pradesh assembly. Coming to Pyari Mohan, if he is to
split the BJD then he needs 35 MLAs from among 104 BJD MLAs. As evident
from the meeting at his residence on Tuesday night, there were 30 MLAs
with probably about 15 MLAs not turning up due to media glare as
mentioned by Pyari Mohan. This itself would mean Pyari Mohan has the
support of atleast 45 MLAs, enough numbers to engineer a split, though
not to form the Government. Considering that several long time loyalists
of Pyari Mohan were seen in Naveen Niwas instead of being at his
residence also raises a question of their final allegiance as many owe
their legislator positions today to Pyari’s backroom plays. Considering
that there might be atleast fifteen such loyalists hidden among the
present loyalists in Naveen Niwas, Pyari’s total number might get to 60
MLAs. It is common knowledge that Lulu Mohapatra, the firebrand Congress
leader and former Working President of the Odisha Pradesh Congress
Committee has the allegiance of 17 Congress MLAs as was evidenced during
his meeting with Congress leader Ghulam Nabi Azad while demanding the
removal of PCC President Niranjan Patnaik. It is also common knowledge
that Pyari and Lulu have had a line of interaction going for long.
Considering that both put their respective numbers together, it comes to
77 MLAs. Sharad Pawar and NCP have been particularly unhappy with Naveen
Patnaik for proposing Sangma’s name for Presidentship of India. NCP
might be inclined to support Pyari if he promises to toe their line.
That takes the number to 81 MLAs, quite sufficient to form the
Government considering that the majority mark is at 74 MLAs.
Now, what I have mentioned
is all hypothetical. But is possible, as is always the case in politics.
Naveen is essentially caught between the devil and the deep sea. If he
throws out Pyari, a split in the BJD is imminent. If he retains Pyari he
allows for more dissension and factionalism and provides Pyari a window
of opportunity to decimate Naveen in 2014 as he did to the BJP in 2009.
If Naveen calls for an early election, he might not get the numbers now.
He is unsure of the actual allegiance of his loyalists and is unsure of
the present consolidated position of Pyari. Therefore, while shunting
Pyari might invite the Devil, keeping him on for future decision is
pushing oneself to the deep sea. The heavy decision that Naveen takes in
the next few days would determine his political future. The paradox is
that this time he would not have his “Uncle Pyari” around to consult,
instead he would have to consult his political colleagues about “Uncle
Pyari.” The wheel has turned a full circle, from Biju Babu and back.
[Dr.
Sasmit Patra is a faculty of Business Management at a University in
Allahabad and has active interest in Odisha politics.] |